• About Us
  • Who Are We
  • Work With Us
Saturday, February 4, 2023
No Result
View All Result
NEWSLETTER
The Globe Post
39 °f
New York
44 ° Fri
46 ° Sat
40 ° Sun
41 ° Mon
No Result
View All Result
The Globe Post
No Result
View All Result
Home Opinion

Yunarmia: Meet the Young Russian ‘Guardians of Order’

Kiril Avramov by Kiril Avramov
02/05/19
in Opinion
Russia's military-patriotic movement Yunarmiya cadets march during a rehearsal for the Victory Day military parade at Red Square in Moscow, May 7, 2017.

Russia's military-patriotic movement Yunarmiya during a rehearsal for the Victory Day military parade at Moscow. Photo: AFP

208
SHARES
Share on FacebookShare on Twitter

There might be a recent deficit of positive news inside Vladimir Putin’s Russia, but the stories connected to the patriotic educational movement Yunarmia are not part of them. Yunarmia, a Russian abbreviation for Youth Army, is a 2016 brainchild of the Ministry of Defense that enjoys exceptional internal popularity and success.

This argument is based on the organization’s membership numbers and branch expansion announced last fall, that point out that in two years of existence, Yunarmia has attracted over 270,000 members aged 8 to 18. An official of the Russian Armed Forces announced that the movement will expand, with branches to be open in all schools across Russia this year.

These numbers, coupled with an impressive array and frequency of activities in the last year alone, paint a pretty intriguing picture of this relatively new Kremlin-engineered youth outreach project.

Beyond the mere descriptive statistics and extensive media coverage in Russia, an external observer will certainly wonder why this particular project is so attractive, what specific social functions it performs, and in what context.

The curiosity is worthwhile, especially when encountering headlines like “Yunarmia has arrived in Washington” on the organization’s website, describing the opening of a new branch called “Varyag” (Viking), in a ceremony presided by Ambassador Anatoly Antonov himself.

Pull Factors

In a well-argued article, Jamestown Foundation’s researcher Sergey Sukhankin presents several reasons why Yunarmia seems to be attractive for Russian youth and their parents. Sukhankin lists the avoidance of Soviet “narrow mindedness,” the movement’s inclusion of various public figures with different backgrounds – from the military establishment to sport celebrities – the calculated nature of state propaganda strategy since 2013, and the declaration of highly honorable goals pertaining to fostering and promoting Russian patriotism as key ingredients of success.

Russian President Vladimir Putin speaks during his annual press conference in Moscow
Russian President Vladimir Putin. Photo: Natalia Kolesnikova, AFP

He is absolutely right that these aspects are crucial to the movement’s phenomenal growth. To understand the full scope and nature of the success, one might add the following factors: the upsurge of state’s conspiracy theory-driven propaganda to promote a “besieged fortress” mentality, where Mother Russia is portrayed as an eternal victim in constant need of mobilization of its faithful defenders – young and old. After all, subversion plots and plans crafted by the state enemies from abroad, the local “fifth column,” “mirovaya zakulisa” (global shadowy powerbrokers), and various ethnic, sexual, and ideological minorities lay as obstacles on the path of the country’s march towards a brighter future.

The propaganda also calls for the assembly and early indoctrination of future guardians of the present status quo, that represents a stark contrast to the chaos of the wild 1990s.

In addition, in a society heavily influenced by the norms and values of collectivism and paternalism where the 1990s entropy is viewed as the ultimate symbol of national humiliation and decay, membership and active participation in a large, legitimate, and state-backed collective body is perceived as positive. One that fills in the void left by the ex-Soviet movements, such as Pioneria and subsequent Komsomol, and serves as a counterweight to the unchecked extremes of egotistic individualism and gluttonous consumerism displayed by the country’s oligarchy.

In essence, Yunarmia benefits from the need of continuity and urge to reconnect with familiar social organization models from the Soviet past, without carrying the Communist ideological baggage.

In other words, the movement resembles well-known structures, but allows Kremlin elites to use it as a vessel to be filled with the new state “quasi-ideology,” centered on conservative religious values, defined gender roles, and a blatant display of military power.

Such a vessel is also well-compatible with the already established organizational infrastructure with pronounced militaristic overtones, such as the Combat Brotherhood that allows for the use of former Afghan and Chechen war veterans as instructors and transmission of their knowledge, skills, and experience to the movement’s young recruits.

‘Swiss Tool’ for Multifunctional Social Engineering

In terms of utility, it seems that Yunarmia resembles a multifunctional Swiss tool in the hands of contemporary Russian political and military elites, as it achieves several purposes at the same time.

Beyond being an instrument of mass youth indoctrination, discipline, and health status improvement, the movement is part of Russia’s defense establishment’s strategy to scout for talent. It does so especially in the fields of science, technology, engineering, mathematics, and cybersecurity.

Mass early enrollment guarantees a substantial pool of candidates for future cyber and signal intelligence warriors. The Russian military elite views this as strategically crucial in future information-centric warfare.

In the same vein, it also serves as a career orientation mechanism that fosters interest and later channels the much-needed human resource towards the substantial Russian military-industrial complex. A freshly unveiled initiative called “Yunarmeets in the profession,” that aims to create partnerships with leading military producers is an illustrative example to that end.

The political elites in Moscow see this as an ideological “cognitive shield” that anchors the key tenets of the new state quasi-ideology at an early stage before any other “decadent” ideas reach the young minds.

Similarly, they use it as a way of early age elite pre-selection and, interestingly, as a regional integration tool for cohesion between the national core and geographic periphery based on loyalty, strength, and stamina.

These are encouraged and rewarded not only by symbolic means, but also via the provision of tangible benefits in the form of added points to their college entrance exams results if they decide to pursue “civilian” majors, and a positive letter of recommendation in case they choose to pursue military higher education. In both scenarios, the Yunarmia members are offered discernable privileges over their non-member peers.

Paranoid Climate

In the current context of state-sponsored paranoia, that is engaged in a constant search of internal and external subversives and sees spies everywhere, it is quite logical to expect that a mass “patriotic” youth movement with a primary focus on state’s defense will fare largely well.

Such a multifunctional social engineering tool is simply the right fit for an increasingly militarized youth sought to be commanded by elites with military or security services backgrounds.

More than 20 schoolchildren joined ranks of Yunarmia in village of Egorlyk | RMW map: https://t.co/63N6YN5QzA | Src: https://t.co/6Q7JD1ytYo pic.twitter.com/Kz7DqSqYsL

— russiamilitarywatch (@russiamilitaryw) February 3, 2019

With expectations that the up and coming Yunarmia members will be loyal guardians of the “sovereign democracy” under the guidance and watchful gaze of Putin and his closest circle (and possible successors), the leadership of the organization can be quite optimistic.

Not only the current Kremlin chiefs’ mass youth projects plans and ambitions are the sole guarantee for success, but also the continuous upward demand for stability, order, and a “strong hand” that will ensure it. In such circumstances, a disciplined, trained, and loyal group of young Russians will always be welcome by the next stability guarantor, whoever he might be. After all, the very project is a symbol of continuity and stability itself.

Finally, when the military-patriotic education is cleverly redesigned in a cool and attractive form, Russia expert Mark Galeotti’s claim that “Russia’s hipster nationalism works” is correct, and we can all agree it works rather well.

Disclaimer: The views and opinions expressed here are those of the author and do not necessarily reflect the editorial position of The Globe Post.
Share208Tweet
Kiril Avramov

Kiril Avramov

Post-doctoral research fellow of the Intelligence Studies Project (ISP) at the University of Texas at Austin

Related Posts

Soledar lies 15 kilometres (nine miles) from the city of Bakhmut, which Russia has been trying to seize for months
World

Fate of Ukraine’s Soledar Unclear as Wagner Claims Control

by Staff Writer
January 11, 2023
Russian passports
World

EU Won’t Recognize Russian Passports From Occupied Ukraine

by Staff Writer
November 10, 2022
Russia Today
World

Russian TV Host Apologizes for Calls to Burn Ukrainian Children

by Staff Writer
October 24, 2022
Arne Schoenbohm
World

German Cybersecurity Chief Sacked Over Alleged Russia Ties

by Staff Writer
October 18, 2022
Ukraine protest
World

Rape Used in Ukraine as a Russian ‘Military Strategy:’ UN

by Staff Writer
October 14, 2022
ICC Prosecutor Karim Khan
World

‘Ukraine Could Extradite Russians to International Criminal Court’

by Staff Writer
October 13, 2022
Next Post
An Afghan man puts his vote in during the parliamentary elections in Afghanistan

Taliban Demand New Constitution for Afghanistan at Rare Talks

A voter casts his ballot in the midterm election at a polling station in the Brooklyn borough of New York City on November 6, 2018

'No Material Impact' from Foreign Meddling in 2018 US Vote [Report]

Recommended

Protesters rally against the fatal police assault of Tyre Nichols, outside of the Coleman A. Young Municipal Center in Detroit, Michigan, on January 27, 2023

How Do Violent ‘Monsters’ Take Root?

February 3, 2023
A supporter of nurses' strike and NHS holds a placard

UK Faces Fresh Mass Strikes as Wage Talks Derail

February 1, 2023
Israeli security forces in Jerusalem

Palestinian Gunman Kills 7 in East Jerusalem Synagogue Attack

January 30, 2023
The Doomsday Clock reads 100 seconds to midnight, a decision made by The Bulletin of Atomic Scientists, during an announcement at the National Press Club in Washington, DC on January 23, 2020

‘Doomsday Clock’ Moves Closest Ever to Midnight

January 25, 2023
Police work near the scene of a mass shooting in Monterey Park, California

California Lunar New Year Mass Shooter Dead, Motive Unclear: Police

January 23, 2023
New Zealand Prime Minister Jacinda Ardern

Race on To Replace Ardern as New Zealand Prime Minister

January 20, 2023

Opinion

Protesters rally against the fatal police assault of Tyre Nichols, outside of the Coleman A. Young Municipal Center in Detroit, Michigan, on January 27, 2023

How Do Violent ‘Monsters’ Take Root?

February 3, 2023
George Santos from the 3rd Congressional district of New York

George Santos for Speaker!

January 16, 2023
Commuters waiting for buses in Metro Manila. Philippines

Eight Billion and Counting…

November 29, 2022
Mahsa Amini protests

Imagining a Free Iran

October 24, 2022
Vladimir Putin

How 18th Century International Law Clarifies the Situation in Ukraine

September 29, 2022
Vladimir Putin

Falling for Putin

September 15, 2022
Facebook Twitter

Newsletter

Do you like our reporting?
SUBSCRIBE

About Us

The Globe Post

The Globe Post is part of Globe Post Media, a U.S. digital news organization that is publishing the world's best targeted news sites.

submit oped

© 2018 The Globe Post

No Result
View All Result
  • National
  • World
  • Business
  • Interviews
  • Lifestyle
  • Democracy at Risk
    • Media Freedom
  • Opinion
    • Editorials
    • Columns
    • Book Reviews
    • Stage
  • Submit Op-ed

© 2018 The Globe Post