• About Us
  • Who Are We
  • Work With Us
Wednesday, March 29, 2023
No Result
View All Result
NEWSLETTER
The Globe Post
39 °f
New York
44 ° Fri
46 ° Sat
40 ° Sun
41 ° Mon
No Result
View All Result
The Globe Post
No Result
View All Result
Home Opinion

Egypt’s Bitter Legacy: When Society Condones State Violence

Dina Rezk and Nicola Pratt by Dina Rezk and Nicola Pratt
08/14/19
in Opinion
Egyptian security forces move in to disperse a protest camp on Rabaa square in Cairo

Six years ago, Egyptian security forces brutally attacked largely peaceful sit-ins of Muslim Brotherhood supporters protesting against the removal of Mohamed Morsi. Photo: AFP

Share on FacebookShare on Twitter

Six years ago, on August 14, 2013, Egyptian security forces brutally attacked largely peaceful sit-ins of Muslim Brotherhood supporters protesting against the removal of Mohamed Morsi, Egypt’s first democratically elected president.

In just 12 hours, the state’s use of live ammunition, snipers, armored vehicles, and bulldozers led to the deaths of an estimated 1,000 Egyptians. The smoldering remains of tents, banners, and human debris in Cairo’s Rabaa and Nahda Squares resembled the tragic aftermath of a war.

Human Rights Watch deemed it the worst massacre in modern Egyptian history. More shocking, however, were the reactions of ordinary people within Egypt: many blamed the Brotherhood for bringing this tragedy on themselves.

Why did Egyptians accept, and in some cases, cheer, as the authorities killed and injured their fellow citizens? What role did everyday Egyptians play in demonizing the Muslim Brotherhood? What were the longer-term effects of this spectacular violence on Egyptian political life?

Widespread Acceptance of Violence

The massacres of August 14 were a watershed moment in Egypt’s modern history. This is not just because of the levels of violence employed by the state, but because of the widespread acceptance by Egyptians of this violence.

It stands in sharp contrast to previous reactions to state brutality. Take, for example, the death of young Alexandrian Khaled Said, whose beatings by police sparked nationwide protests culminating in Egypt’s “Arab Spring” in January 2011.

Former Egyptian president Hosni Mubarak
Former Egyptian president Hosni Mubarak. Photo: Amr Nabil, AFP

The events of August 14 were the culmination of longer-term processes of demonization of the Muslim Brotherhood. These did not begin with the coming to power of the Muslim Brotherhood after the fall of Hosni Mubarak in 2011 but intensified following the election of Muslim Brotherhood President Morsi in June 2012.

Morsi’s Era

The period between Morsi’s election and his ousting was marked by ongoing opposition and protests, which became increasingly violent over time. There is little doubt that many of the criticisms against Morsi’s rule were warranted.

He pushed through a constitution drafted by a controversial constituent assembly, failed to reach out to the opposition in the face of growing polarization, used Mubarak-era tactics to stifle media criticism, and oversaw ongoing violations by security personnel. He failed to stem hate speech and sectarian attacks against Coptic Christians and other religious minorities and proved unable to present a coherent vision to address Egypt’s economic crisis and demands for social justice.

However, the language used to criticize Morsi and the Brotherhood portrayed them not merely as inept or autocratic but as a fundamental threat to Egyptian identity and values, and even to the Egyptian state itself. The private media, mainly owned by former regime sympathizers, accused the Brotherhood of taking over the country to pursue their own narrow interests, deploying militias, and corrupting the Egyptian character with their “foreign” attitudes towards religion.

Notably though, not all of Morsi’s critics were former regime sympathizers. Independent figures, such as satirist Bassem Youssef, widely known as Egypt’s “Jon Stewart,” also played a role in demonizing Morsi and the Muslim Brotherhood on his widely-viewed show El-Bernameg (The Show).

A new investigation started against me accusing me of: insulting Islam(again), spreading atheism & insulting Pakistan #LOL

— Bassem Youssef (@Byoussef) April 9, 2013

The program thrived on mocking the Muslim Brotherhood as well as ordinary Egyptians who supported Morsi’s government, accusing the Islamists of being “merchants of religion.” Youssef was certainly no fan of the army and was indeed taken off air for his later criticism of the military but irrespective, his depictions of the Brotherhood played a critical role in rallying support for Morsi’s removal.

Power versus the People?

It was this broader discourse within Egyptian civil society depicting the Muslim Brotherhood as an existential threat that set the stage for massive demonstrations on June 30, 2013. These were reportedly even larger than those that led to the stepping down of Mubarak in 2011.

In turn, these demonstrations provided an opportunity for the military to present itself as responding to the demands of “the people,” thereby justifying the coup against President Morsi on July 3, 2013, and, subsequently the repression of his supporters. In particular, General Abdel Fatah al-Sisi’s July 23 speech, calling on Egyptians to give the military “a mandate to fight terrorism,” and the subsequent mobilization of Egyptians on July 26, provided crucial political cover for the massacres to follow.

Egyptian President Abdel Fattah el-Sisi
Egyptian President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi. Photo: AFP

The events leading up to August 14 subvert the binary dichotomy so often expressed about authoritarian states: of power versus the people. They reveal the blurred lines between the regime and non-state actors and the power of a shared discourse in fueling hate.

The military and police undoubtedly enjoy great coercive force, but even in authoritarian states, they cannot exercise this with complete disregard for popular sentiment. And perhaps most importantly, authoritarian regimes respond to, as well as shape, wider discourses within society about what security practices might be considered legitimate.

Normalization of Violence

Today, the vast majority of Egyptians still have little sympathy for the Brotherhood. Indeed, fear of a possible return to political life of the Brotherhood is a factor helping to keep the current regime in power. But few can honestly deny that the Rabaa and Nahda massacres did not open the doorway for the normalization of unprecedented levels of state violence and repression, extending well beyond the group: from youth activists to trade unionists and regime critics.

So, this horrific episode not only constituted a turning point in terms of the exceptional levels of violence and their acceptance in Egypt but was also crucial to the crushing of political dissent and other forms of contentious movements.

Today’s anniversary evokes a cautionary tale for Egypt and beyond: when civil society normalizes increasingly extreme language against political rivals, it risks building a wider acceptance of authoritarian power that ultimately leaves no one safe.

Disclaimer: The views and opinions expressed here are those of the author and do not necessarily reflect the editorial position of The Globe Post.
ShareTweet
Dina Rezk and Nicola Pratt

Dina Rezk and Nicola Pratt

Dina Rezk from Reading University and Nicola Pratt from Warwick University have conducted research to understand how the exceptional circumstances of the Arab Spring and the ensuing political upheaval led to the demonization and ‘securitization’ of the Muslim Brotherhood as an existential threat to Egypt

Related Posts

Egyptian flag
National

US Arrests Man for Spying on Opponents of Egypt’s Sisi

by Staff Writer
January 6, 2022
Alaa Abdel Fattah
Democracy at Risk

Egypt Jails Key Revolution Figure Abdel Fattah for Five Years

by Staff Writer
December 20, 2021
Egyptian journalist Solafa Magdy (R) and her photojournalist husband Hossam El-Sayed
Media Freedom

Egypt Frees Journalist Couple After Jail Time

by Staff Writer
April 14, 2021
An Egyptian confronting a police officer.
Democracy at Risk

UN ‘Very Concerned’ Over Egypt Arrest of Rights Workers

by Staff Writer
November 24, 2020
Sudanese Prime Minister Abdalla Hamdok (L) and Sovereign Council Chair Lt. Gen. Abdel Fattah el-Burhan.
Middle East

Israel-Sudan Deal Welcomed as Palestinians Cry Foul

by Staff Writer
October 23, 2020
Workers walk next to a power shovel at the Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam (GERD), near Guba in Ethiopia
Opinion

Ethiopia and Egypt’s Stalemate: What’s the Dam Problem?

by Yohannes Gedamu
January 15, 2020
Next Post
Migrant women and children with a US border patrol officer

Amid Migration Crisis, Central American Development Must Center Women: NGO

Speaker of the House Nancy Pelosi.

Pelosi: No UK Trade Deal if Brexit Undermines Good Friday Accord

Recommended

Damage from a series of powerful storms and at least one tornado is seen on March 25, 2023, in Rolling Fork, Mississippi

After Tornado Kills 25, Mississippi Faces More Extreme Weather

March 26, 2023
Transgender Army veteran Tanya Walker speaks to protesters in Times Square near a military recruitment centre

Tennessee Is A Drag on the First Amendment

March 26, 2023
participants of an artificial intelligence conference

How AI Could Upend the World Even More Than Electricity or the Internet

March 19, 2023
Chinese President Xi Jinping

China’s Path to Economic Dominance

March 15, 2023
Heavily armed police inspect the area near a Jehovah's Witness church where several people have been killed in a shooting in Hamburg, northern Germany

Eight Dead in Shooting at Jehovah’s Witness Hall in Germany

March 10, 2023
Myanmar Rohingya refugees look on in a refugee camp in Teknaf, in Bangladesh's Cox's Bazar, on November 26, 2016

US Announces $26M in New Aid for Rohingya

March 8, 2023

Opinion

Transgender Army veteran Tanya Walker speaks to protesters in Times Square near a military recruitment centre

Tennessee Is A Drag on the First Amendment

March 26, 2023
Chinese President Xi Jinping

China’s Path to Economic Dominance

March 15, 2023
An earthquake survivor reacts as rescuers look for victims and other survivors in Hatay, a Turkish province where hundreds of buildings were destroyed by the earthquake

Heed the Call of Our Broken World

March 1, 2023
Top view of the US House of Representatives

‘Cringy Awards:’ Who Is the Most Embarrassing US House Representative?

February 13, 2023
Protesters rally against the fatal police assault of Tyre Nichols, outside of the Coleman A. Young Municipal Center in Detroit, Michigan, on January 27, 2023

How Do Violent ‘Monsters’ Take Root?

February 3, 2023
George Santos from the 3rd Congressional district of New York

George Santos for Speaker!

January 16, 2023
Facebook Twitter

Newsletter

Do you like our reporting?
SUBSCRIBE

About Us

The Globe Post

The Globe Post is part of Globe Post Media, a U.S. digital news organization that is publishing the world's best targeted news sites.

submit oped

© 2018 The Globe Post

No Result
View All Result
  • National
  • World
  • Business
  • Interviews
  • Lifestyle
  • Democracy at Risk
    • Media Freedom
  • Opinion
    • Editorials
    • Columns
    • Book Reviews
    • Stage
  • Submit Op-ed

© 2018 The Globe Post